Israel 2000: How Will it Fare if Shrunk to its
Pre-Six Day War (1967) Borders?

Presented by Yoash Tsiddon-Chatto

Before The

Joint Economic Committee

October 21, 1997

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Executive Summary

In May 1967, Egypt broke its signed engagement to preserve demilitarization of Sinai and allow free Israeli shipping to the Red Sea. The U.N. troops stationed in Sinai left at Nasser's request, and the U.S. reneged on its obligation to guarantee the demilitarization and passage. Terror increased in proportion to Israel's deterrence discreditation. Facing an overwhelmingly superior enemy at close quarters, Israel's very survival depended upon a total risk preemption with a "no margin for error" air strike followed by a spectacular victory.

The insistence of the U.N. that Israel withdraws to its pre-1967 lines "with minor modifications" raises the question of Israel's survivability within the U.N. requested lines, given the proven Arab and international disrespect for contracted obligations, the lessons of later wars, and especially, the qualitative and quantitative escalation in the Arab Order of Battle. This paper attempts to provide an answer.

Yoash Tsiddon - Chatto, Col. (res), member of the 12th Knesset and of the Peace Mission, Madrid 1991. Chief of planning & operational requirements, Israeli air force, prior to the Six Day War. Member, Raphael (armament develop. Authority) advisory board 1992-1995. Mr. Tsiddon publishes extensively on security issues in Israel and abroad, and is a founding member of Ariel Center for Policy Research.

Background

Whether the Six Day War of June 1967, when Israel's brilliant victory relieved it from the strangling clutch of the Arab countries, was Nasser's brinkmanship that missed the brink, or his deliberate act to annihilate Israel when he felt, wrongly as it turned out, that he is capable of doing so, is a matter for historians' research. The fact is that he created a situation that forced Israel to either capitulate or open fire. Israel chose to preempt.

Living on a jumpy "Qui vive?" was possible for Israel at that particular time on three conditions:

As it turned out, in May 1967 the Sinai was re-militarized and Israel's southbound shipping blockaded. The U.N. troops left when asked by Nasser to do so, and the U.S. reneged on its guarantees while warlike acts continued. During the trying weeks of end May and beginning of June 1967, the whole Western world sympathized with Israel and denounced the Egyptian-Syrian threats that were actively encouraged by the Soviets. However, nobody did anything to help the Jews in a situation that threatened to become a second holocaust.

The one act that prevented Israel's downfall was its preemption, led by the Air Force's successful surprise attack which destroyed the main body of the Egyptian, Syrian and Jordanian Air Forces and opened the Arab ground forces to relentless air attacks and unhindered Israel ground forces pursuit.

Disregarding the circumstances that led to that war as well as the pre-war sympathy, the world community demands to this day that Israel withdraw to its pre-June 1967 demarcation lines with "minor modifications".

Given, on one hand, the international and Arab pressure to withdraw and, on the other, the fact that Israel barely, though victoriously, extricated itself in June 1967 from mortal danger by preempting against heavy odds, the question is how secure can Israel be within the pre-June 1967 borders, considering today's volume of forces and potent weapon systems as well as yesterday's lessons?

This paper will attempt to provide an answer.

A Raw Nerve - Israel's Pre-1967 Security Concerns

On February 22, 1967, that is about three months before the Six Day War, Yigal Allon1 made a presentation, surveying Israel's security situation. Following are some quotes from there2:

"In my coming speech I want to prove that Israel is entitled, nay, obligated - and therefore also capable of opening preemptive hostilities whenever war is imposed upon it, this being the most important and, in certain circumstances, the only means of securing its survival".
"There are six possible scenarios that entitle or, rather, compel Israel to go to war:
"...the method that may be used by the enemy in a surprise, Blitz-Krieg type war, taking the following actions:
Such a Blitz-Krieg war or anything similar will aim to accomplish facts before a full (Israel) general mobilization and before an international intervention will, if it will, materialize to achieve a cease fire".

Important Note

The reader should bear in mind that the much criticized Israeli obsessive preoccupation with defense, is unfortunately, well founded: Guided by their respective declared Aims of War, Arab-Israeli wars unfold by a unique set of rules:

Analysis of a Crushing Victory - June 1967 - A preempting air strike reviewed

Prevailing Circumstances

The Middle East is an almost ideal arena for air warfare. Mostly desert or arid, with hardly any vegetation, where targets are hard to conceal and tactical intelligence reads from an open book. The movement of ground forces which relies on wheeled vehicles for logistics is, or rather was supposed to be, limited to the few roads existent. The climate is, mostly, clear weather with good visibility.

Not having any territorial depth to maneuver or to trade for time, Russian or French fashion, Israel developed its Air Force as far as its modest means and limited access to suppliers permitted, so as to achieve an outreach in depth and shift the war to enemy territory as soon as possible.

The 1956 Sinai Campaign was fought jointly with the British and French forces that (although their ground forces' achievements were far from brilliant) carried much of the burden of air superiority. When air superiority was secure, air-to-ground warfare proved to be a merciless, deadly weapon in the desert, especially when the anti-aircraft weapons were relatively primitive.7

The political fiasco of the Sinai Campaign/Suez Affair, taught those ready to learn a most crucial lesson which was later applied to the contingency planning that became the Six Day War:

When a number of days into the war, the Soviets threatened the British, French and Israelis with a nuclear strike unless fire ceases immediately and the angry Eisenhower Administration did not par the threat8, the fire had to cease. Having achieved all its objectives in four days, Israel was ready, even content, to oblige and negotiate. As against it, the Anglo-French, whose cumbersome moves prevented them from occupying the length of the Suez Canal, their objective, before the Soviet ultimatum matured, had to capitulate, not being in a position to negotiate. They lost the battle.

The conclusion, applied when planning the coming contingency, was that when fighting a conventional war in a theater of super-power active interest, a military decision had to be reached as close to the opening moves as possible, within a maximum of 10-14 days before a super-power nuclear threat, unchecked by another side, could become real, having run its warning, weighing, decision-making, readiness and ultimatum course.9

By June 1967, the Combined Enemy Air Forces Superiority was Crushing:

Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Iraq

Israel

Ratio

582

203

2.87:1

118

51

2.3:1

106

45

2.36:1

by the Arabs 4

by Israel >25

Ratio: 6.25:1 in Arabs' favor.

Depth of penetration:

For Arabs: 10-40 km

For Israel: 40 ->500 km

All aircraft were parked, parade fashion on open aprons, in straight rows (they looked nice).

Radar coverage was good at altitude, cluttered with "white noise" (no Doppler) at low altitude, negligent when looking west.

Missile defenses, SAM-2, moderately dense, were very efficient at altitudes over 10,000 ft. (electronic warfare means, in their infancy, were activated and outmaneuvering evasive tactics, demanding a fair amount of skill, were developed), but below that altitude the SAM-2 became rather inefficient. At low altitudes they were worthless.

Summing up

-To emphasize how dependent Israel's very existence was upon the success of its outnumbered, thinly spread (no reserves) Air Force carrying out a complex, decisive move at a risk as high as to be justified only by mortal danger.
-To be able to examine, on the basis of this feat, what are the prospects of repeating a similar performance in present day's circumstances.

The Arabs Remarkable Recovery

Following the June 1967 debacle, Egypt and Syria did draw the right conclusions:

-In accordance with the Soviet doctrine, Air Defense gained an equal standing to that of the Army, the Air Force or the Navy, enjoying top priority.
-By the outbreak of the Yom Kippur War, in October 1973, a very dense web of then ultra modern SAM-6, SAM-3 and improved SAM-2 anti-aircraft missiles, as well as the efficient Flatdish, radar guided quadruple 37mm anti-aircraft cannon was in place, well coordinated by a Command, Control, Communications and Intelligence (C3I) system and complemented by interceptor-fighters and the ground units' shoulder fired SAM-7 "Strella" anti-aircraft missiles.
-If the writer's findings were correct 13, the Egyptian Air Defense Command consisted, at the outbreak of the Yom Kippur War of an equivalent of about 10 divisions, that is about the same size as the total Egyptian ground forces, to which the Egyptian Air Force interceptors force should be added.

The SAM missiles defenses became the Israeli Air Force's main and most dangerous enemy, whose defeat was the key to achieving an air superiority over an area so as to assure the safe, free maneuvering of Israeli ground forces and to provide the support (fire or assault transport) they were entitled to. When, at the end of the "War of Attrition", Israel and Egypt signed, on August 7, 1970, a U.S. brokered cease fire agreement, the most important article was the one stipulating that Egyptian SAM missiles should be kept out of the reach of the Suez Canal Zone. Unfortunately, the Egyptians moved their SAM's close to the Suez Canal the very night the cease fire had been signed, in flagrant breach of the agreement. Israel, under firm U.S. pressure (again), did not react on time, which it could and should have done before they were reactivated.

"Cleaning" a SAM missile defended area requires an intense one or two days' effort which means a one or two days delay in air superiority and support for the protection of the ground forces at the most critical time, which is that of the outbreak of hostilities, before the Israeli mobilization is carried out. Tolerating the August 7, 1970 arrogant infringement of the cease fire agreement, i.e. allowing the shifting of SAM's to cover the Canal Zone, was tantamount to Israel offering the key for the crossing of the Suez Canal to Egypt, a key used by them three years later. To conclude this paragraph, it may be said that the Arab reaction to the terrible defeat of June 1967 was most intelligent, rapid and efficient, rendering a copied repeat performance of the air victory of June 1967 absolutely impossible. From now on, a relatively slow grinding will become the rule, with the defeat of the SAM cover to precede further operations, if unacceptable losses are to be avoided.14

Wisdom Acquired in the Yom Kippur War, October 1973

Unfolding

Although enough raw intelligence data was available, Golda Meir, the then Prime Minister of Israel, decided to accept on October 3 and 4, and even October 5, 1973 in the morning, the Israel Defense Forces' Chief of Intelligence assessment that "there is no danger of war in the near future", an assessment shared by Defense Minister Dayan and Chief of General Staff Elazar yet challenged by the "Mossad".

By Friday, October 5, in the evening, there were doubts. By Saturday (Yom Kippur), October 6 in the morning it became certain that war was to start that very evening. It started early in the afternoon.15 When the certainty of war was unanimous by Saturday, October 6 in the morning, Elazar asked the permission of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense to preempt that very day at noon with a full scale air strike. That operation required an immediate "green light". Golda's words were (quote):

"Dado, I am aware of all the reasons in favor of a preemptive war, but I am against it. None of us knows now what the future has in store for us, but there is always a possibility that we'll need someone's help and if we'll strike first, no one is going to help. I wish I could say yes because I know the meaning of it, but, with a heavy heart, I say no".16

Teachings

The combination of the Israeli government's error of August 1970, i.e., of tolerating the deployment of Egyptian SAM missiles on the Suez Canal, which was a blatant breach of the cease fire signed by the Egyptians that same day, with the error of misreading existing intelligence data, especially on October 3,4, and 5, 1973 and the error of not permitting a preemptive strike on October 6, 1973 at noon (out of fear of the U.S.) when the outbreak of war was certain, cost Israel about 3,000 lives.17

The obvious conclusions to be drawn from the above paragraph are:

How is it that, in spite of everything, Israel scored a world class military victory (not so in the political field) during the Yom Kippur War?

It takes a long stretch of imagination to believe that an Israel within the pre-June 1967 borders would have committed the errors mentioned above. Possession of buffer zones and the crushing 1967 victory brought complacency. However, were the aforementioned errors to have been committed within the pre-June 1967 borders, it is fairly certain that the State of Israel would have ceased to exist. The facts are that the Golan Heights and the Sinai (where the depth of Egyptian penetration was, in some places, deeper than the whole width of Israel in many places), provided the depth required for the Israeli IDF to "buy" the time necessary for regrouping, reinforcing and re-supplying in view of the coming counterattack. If there was ever a case that proved the vitality to Israel of a buffer, a protection belt, this was the Yom Kippur War, when the "territories" saved Israel from its own government's errors.

The Order of Battle on Israel's Frontiers - Trends20

Qualitative Trends (Main Systems Only)

Tanks

Combat Aircraft

-FLIR turns a combat aircraft, an attack or an assault helicopter into a 24 hr/day fighting machine which, in order to avoid being in full view of too many preying eyes, will prefer now the relative cover of night. Being a passive system, i.e., that receives and interprets the surrounding I/R radiation but does not radiate itself, the FLIR is discrete.
-Considering the hours of darkness each day and the edge that FLIR offers at night, this system may be considered to be a further force multiplier of about 2.
(1) Payload/range capabilities of modern combat aircraft is in the order of 6 to 10 times that of 1967 combat aircraft (ton-miles).
(2) Where bombing and other weapons' release are concerned, the payload/range capability is further multiplied by a factor of, say, 4 due to the WDNS +HUD and further, by a factor of 2 due to the FLIR.

Ground to Air Ballistic Missiles

Ground to Ground Ballistic Missiles

The writer hopes that the qualitative trends roughly surveyed in this paragraph convey the message that today's main weapons are by a few orders of magnitude more potent than those of twenty or thirty years ago, even when no weapons of mass destruction have been considered. This fact should be well comprehended when the quantitative evolution is enumerated.

Quantitative Trends

Egypt

a. Armed Forces personnel, including reserves

1973 - 898,000 (IISS)
1996 - 694,000 (IISS)
1996 - 1,127,000 (JAFFEE)

b. Air Force-combat aircraft, operational (including bombers)

1967 - 299 (IDF)
1973 - 409 (IISS)
1996 - 473 + 89 attack helicopters (IISS)

c. Army - Tanks

1967 - ?
1973 - 1,955 (IISS)
1993 - 2,800 (Jaffe)
1996 - 3,650 (IISS)

d. Ballistic Missiles

1967 - nil 1973 - approx. 35 (IISS)
1993 - approx. 100 (Jaffe)
1997 - approx. 500 (local assembly & extrapolation)

Syria

a. Armed Forces personnel, including reserves

1973 - 344,000 (IISS)
1993 - 532,500 (Jaffe) + 400,000 "workers militia"
1996 - 921,000 (including reserves) - (IISS)

b. Air Force-combat aircraft, operational

1967 - 97 (IDF)
1973 - 326 (IISS)
1996 - 468 + 100 attack helicopters (IISS)

c. Army - Tanks, all types

1973 - 1,300 (IISS)
1996 - 4,600 (+200 recent improved T.55 from Ukraine) - IISS

d. Ballistic Missiles

1967 - nil 1973 - some Frog-2, Frog-7 (Experience)
1993 - approx. 62 (Jaffe)
1997 - ~400-600 (North Korean deliveries + production facility)

Other Arab Countries

a. Iraq - still recovering from Gulf War. Data unreliable.

b. Saudi Arabia - the largest arms buyer in the world.

Generally, the trend in the Middle East is that of an "immanent war" arms race. The Middle East, including Iran, imports between 42 percent of the world's arms exports.

Special Remark on Egypt

Egypt is the second largest arms buyer in the Middle East, within the process of westernizing its equipment. Its army is, by now, 65 percent western and its Air Force 85 percent. Its real defense expenditure is estimated to be about 5 times the one openly specified in its budget. 24 It cooperates in defense matters with two "Terror Harboring" countries, in flagrant breach of its defense agreement with the U.S. and the U.S. turns its head the other way. With a GNP stagnant for the last decade, in the order of $50 billion, the Egyptian GNP per capita has not grown in real terms, due to a population growth of about one million a year and the U.S. dollar devaluation.

The obvious questions to be asked are why does Egypt, with no real Sudanese and Lybian threats and having signed a peace agreement with Israel that Israel will certainly be happy to maintain and improve on, need such a rapid build-up of a world class Order of Battle, if it does not harbor any aggressive ideas? If it does - against whom?

How long will it keep on spending at the present rate with the meager GNP per capita (1/20th that of Israel) decreasing? Why? What is the U.S. opinion about it?

Order of Battle - Summary

The Arab Armed Forces around Israel have recently grown at an unparalleled rate, especially since the Six Day War of 1967. Saudi Arabia, Syria, Egypt, Iraq and other Arab countries, as well as Iran, all poor economic performers, all dictatorships of one kind or another, live for the last 30 years on a frantic war footing, with the outside world seeming to be only too happy to oblige and supply. With mass destruction weapons about to be coming of age and a desperate economic situation stirring the masses to move toward Islamic Fundamentalism, or Ba'ath, which is a mirror image of fundamentalism, or any other "ism", 66 percent of this planet's oil reserves are tied to one of the mightiest time bombs ever, yet no one cares... but Israel, which faces at present the highest concentration of military power ever deployed per mile of frontier or square mile of territory.

The Arab Palestinian Angle

The Israeli Palestinian Arabs

During October 30 and 31, 1994, a symposium was held at the Dayan Center of the Tel-Aviv University26, its subject being the political line of the Israeli Arabs in view of the pending implementation of the Oslo agreements. About a dozen Arab speakers, covering practically the whole Israeli Arab spectrum, spoke, each one in a manner befitting his political position and temperament. All of them, without exception, declared that with the most probable establishment of a (third) Palestinian State in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, the Arabs of Israel remain the only Arabs under foreign occupation. The demand is, so they said, that Israel sheds its "Jewish State" character27, agree to a law of return of the Arabs as well as that of the Jews and...please change the anthem, the flag and (as one suggested), the name. "Only then will a Jewish community live in peace in the Arab Middle East". Vox Populi.

The mid-August 1997 Israeli-Arab Assad worshiping dignitaries' visit to Syria (including some Arab members of Knesset), confirms and underlines the symposium's context. It is a surprise why so many were surprised in Israel. The mission's participants spoke their truth in Damascus.

To conclude, one should consider that a fairly sizeable segment of the Israeli Arabs will, once Israel will find itself in a precarious situation in the case of war, side with its enemies.

The Jordanian Palestinian Arabs

As King Abdullah said and repeated during his reign and as King Hussein often stated until about ten years ago, all Jordanians are Palestinians, be they Bedouin or townsfolk, the way all Israelis are Palestinians, be they Jews or Arabs. It is a simple geographic description. However, a large percentage of Jordanians, especially those opposed, for one reason or another, to the Hashemite throne, identify themselves with the Arab Palestinians of Judea and Samaria. Moving cleverly, Arafat adopted (highjacked?) the name of Palestine for his movement (entity in being) which drove King Hussein to denounce the "Jordan is Palestine" slogan that he so proudly proclaimed a decade earlier, and annul, in July 1988, the Jordanian citizenship of the Arab Palestinians of Judea and Samaria. 28

Not much reading of the Arab mind is necessary to understand that the ruling elites of both Jordan and the emergent Palestinian Authority are on a collision course. How the situation will develop if Israel will withdraw from the buffer it provides in the Jordan Valley is anybody's guess.

Concluding this paragraph, it is evident that Jordan's basic strategic interest, which it certainly cannot proclaim in the circumstances, is to have a strong Israel by its side, which will protect its territorial integrity from neighborly designs and drive a wedge between it and the Palestinian Authority if/when it will emerge as an autonomous pseudo-state. An Israel shrinking to the pre-June 1967 borders will open Jordan to a pincer movement of say, a P.A.-Syrian alliance aimed, for the short term, at usurping the Jordanian throne and, for the long term Syrian design, to take one step further toward the "Fertile Crescent".29

Peace Within the 1967 Borders

Definition of Peace

a. A state of harmony between people or groups (Collins).

b. A state of no war.

These are two distinct, unbridgeable situations that go by the same name.

The prerequisites of a peace of harmony are:

When examined realistically, the Middle Eastern circumstances of totalitarianism, internal instability, intra-Arab strifes, deep cultural, economic and emotional fissures, as well as, of course, the inherent conflict of interests (as seen by the Arabs) and the viciously aggressive anti-Israeli motivation, etc. point to a "peace

of no war" as the only peace achievable in the Middle East in the foreseeable future, a peace nevertheless, as anticipated at the First Peace Conference at Madrid in November 1991.

Deterrence emerges as the single, vital and sufficient mechanism to prevent war in a "peace of no war" situation. The "components" of deterrence are:

a. Armed forces strong enough to win a war with the deterred, if it breaks out, in all circumstances.30
b. A national will to use the force if absolutely necessary.
c. An economy to sustain the force and the will at the proper readiness.
d. The leadership required to do a), b) and c).
e. The proper, unambiguous conveyance of the message of force, will, economy and leadership to the party to be deterred.

The strength of an armed force is measured by the sum total of its capability of exercising a controlled, informed, supplied and otherwise supported manipulation of a triad of:

For the sake of illustration, it may be said that Force = f (Firepower x Mobility x Terrain), since there is a certain measure of cross-compensation among the three. However, if one of the three pillars of strength, Terrain in Israel's case, is reduced ad absurdum, the sum total that makes Force may become insignificant, irrelevant of how great the other two factors are.

Ad Absurdum. The pre-June 1967 Borders - Conclusion

Reverted to its 1967 demarcation lines, Israel will have to back any peace agreements that it might have signed with the deterrence of the threats of:

Constraints

The deterrence, whose main component is the capacity to win the war if it (deterrence) misfires, has to be powerful enough to cater to the teachings of Israel's own (expensive) past experience, which are:

a. Israel cannot afford to lose a war. Losing means for it national and, most likely, personal extermination. Sorry for being blunt.

b. Israel cannot and should not rely on foreign guarantees as components of its deterrence. Foreign guarantees are of very short duration.

c. Israel cannot rely on the presence of U.N. or any other troops to bolster its peacekeeping capability. They are there as long as both parties agree to their being.

d. Israel cannot rely on demilitarization for its deterrence. Like the Rhineland in 1920-1936 or the Sinai 1957-1967, demilitarization is not valid, unless both parties are profiting from it.

e. In view of the above point a), Israel should keep its preemption options open by conducting a continuous, aggressive and powerful enlightenment campaign where it counts, in time of tranquillity as in time of tension (see Golda Meir's deliberations previously mentioned).

f. Israel's defense establishment has to be able to cover for its own government's errors, preventing them from turning into a national disaster.

g. Israel is forbidden to sign any agreements that affect its deterrence/war winning capability without tangible quid-pro-quo collaterals offered by the antagonist, first and foremost being quasi-total disarmament, genuine and under constant surveillance.

h. In the circumstances, Israel is obligated to always plan for "worst scenarios".

A "map in hand" and "feet on the ground", in situ evaluation of Israel's residual deterrence potential, given the enormous Order of Battle facing it and following its withdrawal from the protective high ground of the Golan, Samaria and Judea as well as from the maneuvering area of the Jordan Valley, all of which will subsequently be surrendered to potential enemy forces which will thus gain decisive topographical advantage against Israel and will bring about the dismemberment of Jordan, will confirm that:

Facing a Middle East that is not a "new one", that is arming faster and better than any other part of this world, making no bones about its non-acceptance of Israel in its midst, that is skidding toward political-ideological-economic chaos, deeply rooted in its hatred of the West and the Jews (who may destabilize the totalitarian ruling elites), the Israeli level of conventional deterrence, within the confinement of the pre-June 1967 war demarcation lines, will be far below that required by the situation in order to maintain a "peace of non-war". That spells war, from a totally inferior position. Given the time/distance considerations within pre-1967 borders, there is a very high probability that the only response Israel may produce to an imminent war situation, will not be a repeat preemption, 1967 style or other, which may be rendered impossible by existent circumstances, but the one desperate option remaining, an eventual "Samson's option".

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Endnotes

1 Yigal Allon - the most prominent and successful general of the War of Independence, Commander of the Palmakh, the (pre-I.D.F.) Hagannah elite corps. Itzhak Rabin's mentor. In 1967, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Labor Party's Eshkol government.
2 "War and Victory" Album, Mizrachi Publishers, 1967.
3 i.e., Judea and Samaria which were in Jordanian hands at the time.
4 Allon was privy to the Israeli Air Force and other plans.
5 The presence, in Israel, of a large Arab minority, part of which would actively side with their kin, was and is to be considered in case of an Arab-Israeli war, especially when the chips are down.
6 As clearly indicated by all Arab declarations, whether written or verbal, made since the establishment of Israel to this very day. Judging by past experience, the Arab statements should be taken seriously, as should or should have been, Hitler's "Mein Kampf", Nasser's "Philosophy of the Revolution", "The Palestinian Covenant", Arafat's and others "Jihad" (Holy War), inflammatory rhetoric (in Arabic) or Islamic Fundamentalist dictums.
7 During the War of Independence, both sides' air forces were not significant enough to reach firm conclusions.
8 One may assume that, angry or not, the U.S. would not have tolerated a U.S.S.R. nuclear strike against its NATO allies or even Israel. It would have been too dangerous a precedent, however, given the magnitude of the threat, not openly countered by the U.S. at the time, the Anglo-French-Israelis could not but comply.
9 See this writer's, "The Case of the Forgotten War", Society of Experimental Test Pilots - "Technical Review" and "Cockpit", first 1971. (Paper written in 1965 but held back for five years by Israeli Security.)
10 The general runway attack concept, prioritizing and operational requirements deliberations are discussed in "Attacks of Air Bases - 1964/65" (Top secret - now declassified), a paper by Israeli Air Force Planning Dept., May 11, 1964, signed by the writer. Also elaborated on in more general terms in the writer's book "By Day, By Night, Through Haze and Fog (both in Hebrew).
12 See "Nativ", July 1997, "The Six Day War: Why is Israel Abandoning its Gains? (Hebrew), by Dr. Uri Milstein, quoting (pp.75) from a still classified research of the Six Day War made by Brig. Gen. (res.) Abraham Ayalon of the I.D.F. History Dept.
13 As in charge of the Israeli Air Force's post Yom Kippur War study team of air/ground warfare (1973-1974).
14 As Israel learned the hard way, during the first three days of the Yom Kippur War in 1973, when Dayan, the then Defense Minister, personally insisted that Air Force support be given at all cost to the surprised and beleaguered few Israeli troops present in the Canal Zone. The losses were ghastly.
15 "My Life", Golda Meir autobiography (Hebrew), Ma'ariv Publishing, 1975. pp. 306-309. qq.
16 Ibid, pp. 309-310.
17 Equivalent to about 300,000 lives in the U.S. or almost five times the total, eight years' U.S. losses in Viet Nam. The number of Israel's inhabitants in June 1967 was about 2.5 million.
18 The presentation of Israel's case before the Administration, Congress, media, academia, public opinion, etc., as if it were before a jury in a Court of Justice, as against propaganda, P.R. or just information.
19 See the "Dhimmi, Jews and Christians under Islam", by Bat Yeor, Cranbury, 1985. See "The Closed Circle - An Interpretation of the Arabs" by David Pryce-Jones, Weidenfeld & Nicholson, Gt. Britain, 1989. See "The Hidden Hand - Middle East Fears of Conspiracy" by Daniel Pipes, St. Martin's Press, U.S., 1996. The Middle East is an unstable area, politically, culturally, emotionally and defense-wise. An explosive mixture of medieval myths, fears and ethics with oil money and state-of-the-art weaponry, with unfortunately, very few exceptions. An inbred hatred of the foreign, especially of the Jews and the West (and Israel represents both).
20 Based on:
a. 1973 data released by the Israeli Ministry of Defense. b. 1973 IISS data. c. 1993-95 Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies data. d. 1995-6 IISS data. e. General, non-classified information handled by the writer as Member of Rafael (Israeli Armament Development Authority) Advisory Board until mid-1995 and other sources.
21 C.E.P. = Circular Error Probability, i.e. the circle around the aiming point where 50 percent of the bombs will hit.
22 The relatively detailed description of the aviation part of "Qualitative Trends" is not due to "professional aberration". It is rather, that aircraft are, by now, the decisive weapon in the Middle East, and they have undergone the most decisive modernization in spite of the less apparent changes in their platforms' performance. The ground forces improvements, too many to enumerate, have an enormous impact of their own.
23 A blatant infringement of the U.S. military assistance agreement providing Egypt with a US$ 2.3 billion yearly aid on condition that it stays clear of terror harboring countries.
24 See "Nativ", July 1997 - "How Much Does Egypt Spend on Weapons of War?" by Sean Pine (pp. 70 - Hebrew).
25 During a conversation between Dr. Martin Sherman, of Tel-Aviv University, with the political officer of the U.S. Embassy in Tel-Aviv, Sherman asked whether, if Jordan is occupied by Syria or Iraq, Israel is entitled to re-occupy Samaria and Judea to establish a defense along the Jordan River. "Of course", was the P.O.'s answer. "See what the Middle East is all about?", said Sherman. "If a fourth country occupies a third country, Israel has the right to take a second country". So much for a third Palestinian state, after Israel and Jordan.
26 See "The Dream of the Israeli Arabs", by the writer, Jerusalem Post, November 16, 1994 (still under Labor Government).
27 According to Israel's Declaration of Independence" of 1948.
28 21 years after the occupation of Judea and Samaria by Israel.
29 Greater Syria, embracing the whole of Palestine and Lebanon, an official Syrian ambition based upon the now defunct Ottoman Empire's administrative regions, where Palestine and Lebanon were part of the Damascus "villayat".
30 See "War and Peace as Rational Choice in the Middle East" by Martin Sherman and Gideon Doron, Tel-Aviv University, Frank Cass Journal of Strategic Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, March 1997, p. 98, J. Conclusion quote: "Indeed, the inferences implicit in the internal logic of the models would seem to prescribe the adoption of a robustly assertive defense posture by libertarian (i.e., democratic - the writer) regimes in a predominantly non-libertarian environment such as the Middle East... only if the libertarian regime conveys the perception that should any attempt be made to disrupt violently the prevailing status quo, it has the capacity and resolve to inflict upon the prospective non-libertarian aggressor outcomes significantly more disagreeable than those which suffice to deter an adversary of a more libertarian nature". Unquote.
31 For instance, 1,000 tanks in Tel-Aviv are a display at best and a target at worst. 1,000 tanks, armed, fueled and deployed to make proper use of topography, are a force.
32 While Israel itself is, as mentioned, but a tiny Western beachhead on an Arab continent.
33 Within the general Middle East context, Arab terrorism is but a minor threat to Israel's existence. It can, though, erode will or act as a detonator in a charged situation.






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